{"id":9235,"date":"2012-01-10T09:00:49","date_gmt":"2012-01-10T09:00:49","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.badreputation.org.uk\/?p=9235"},"modified":"2012-01-10T09:00:49","modified_gmt":"2012-01-10T09:00:49","slug":"on-thatcher-icons-and-iron-ladies-rhian-jones","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/badreputation.org.uk\/2012\/01\/10\/on-thatcher-icons-and-iron-ladies-rhian-jones\/","title":{"rendered":"On Thatcher: Icons and Iron Ladies."},"content":{"rendered":"
A spectre is haunting London. My daily commute, never a joyful affair, has
recently been lent a further dimension of irritation by adverts on buses,
hoving into view with tedious regularity, bearing the image of
Meryl Streep<\/strong> dolled up as Mrs Thatcher in The Iron Lady<\/strong><\/a>. Thirty years on from Thatcher’s rise
to power, and after a minor rash of small-screen depictions \u2013 Andrea
Riseborough in The Long Walk to Finchley<\/strong><\/a>, Lindsay Duncan in Margaret<\/strong><\/a> – Streep will now portray her on the
big screen, the prospect of which I could have happily lived
without.<\/p>\n
Having as I do firsthand
experience<\/a> of the impact of Thatcher\u2019s thirteen years, her
government\u2019s break with prevailing consensus and bloody-minded
devotion to neoliberal orthodoxies, an objective and rational
evaluation of the woman is probably beyond me. That said, her
presumably impending death – although I do have a longstanding
appointment at a pub in King’s Cross to dutifully raise a
glass – is something to which I’ll be largely
indifferent. It won’t matter. Thatcher as a person has far
less bearing on the current world than what she represents. The
damage has been done, the battle lost, and much as I might
appreciate a Truth and Reconciliation Commission into the 1980s,
Thatcher and her co-conspirators are by now too
old and whiskey-soaked<\/a> to be held to any meaningful
account.<\/p>\n
Efforts to humanise Thatcher, even when they enlist Meryl Streep,
seem discomfiting and deeply bizarre. What she means has transcended
what she was, is and will be. The purpose of this post, therefore,
apart from being an exercise in detachment for me, is to look
briefly at some aspects of Thatcher\u2019s image in political and
pop culture, and to consider the effect of her gender on her role as
a woman in power. Quick, before the next bus goes past.<\/p>\n
Meanings of all kinds flow through the figures of women, and
they often do not include who she herself is.<\/p>\n
– Marina Warner,
Monuments and Maidens<\/strong><\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Thatcher\u2019s visual staying power in political and pop
culture is as great as her impact on oppositional
music<\/a>. The face of Thatcher most often called to mind
is that of what Angela Carter termed her \u2018balefully
iconic\u2019 post-1983 premiership: encased in true-blue
power suits, wielding a handbag, her hair lacquered into
immobile submission, her earlier style solidified into a
heavily stylized femininity bordering on drag. Paul Flynn,
in a fairly
tortured discussion<\/a> of Thatcher\u2019s status as a gay
icon, put it down to her \u2018ability to carry a strong,
identifiable, signature look… an intrinsic and steely
power to self-transform\u2019, and a \u2018camp, easily
cartooned presence\u2019. The startling evocative power of
this look, its ability to summon up its host of contemporary
social, cultural and political associations, is why I jump
when Streep’s replication of it intrudes into my
vision. It\u2019s like being repeatedly sideswiped by the
1980s, which is something the last UK election had already
made me thoroughly sick of.<\/p>\n
<\/a>The iconic capacity of
Thatcher’s image has been compared in articles and
actual mash-ups with that of Marilyn
Monroe<\/a> and Che
Guevara<\/a>. The artist Alison Jackson observes<\/a>
that all three ‘had what it takes to become a modern
icon: big hair, high foreheads and a face that would allow
you to project your own fears and desires on to it.’
Conversely, subsequent political leaders – including
both Blair<\/a>
and Cameron<\/a>
– have had their own faces conflated with
Thatcher\u2019s, usually as part of left-wing critiques
meant to signify the closeness of their policies to hers.
Thatcher\u2019s image is here used as an instantly
recognisable political signifier, communicating a set of
ideological ideas in a single package, as well as a
self-contained political warning sign.<\/p>\n
Although the kind of passive objectification associated with
Monroe might seem at odds with the idea of Thatcher as a
great historical actor with narrative agency in her own
right, the images of both women are used in a cultural
tradition in which the female figure in particular becomes a
canvas for the expression of abstract ideas (think justice,
liberty, victory). The abstract embodiment of multiple
meanings, and the strategic performance of traditional ideas
of femininity, constitute sources of power which Thatcher
and her political and media allies exploited to the hilt in
their harnessing of support for the policies she
promoted.<\/p>\n
Thatcher\u2019s image, rather than appealing solely to a
particular aspect of femininity, was a tense mixture of
conflicting and mutually reinforcing\u00a0signifiers.
Angela Carter identified<\/a>
it as a composite of feminine archetypes, including
Dynasty<\/strong>\u2019s Alexis Carrington, Elizabeth I
as Gloriana, Countess Dracula, and one of PG
Wodehouse\u2019s aunts \u2013 tropes sharing a certain
type of burlesqued and grotesque dragon-femininity. The
1981 Falklands conflict allowed the discourse around
Thatcher to reference the precedents of both Queen
Victoria and Churchill, and she was photographed on a
tank in an image<\/a>
that the
Daily Telegraph<\/strong> described as \u2018a cross
between Isadora Duncan and Lawrence of
Arabia\u2019.<\/p>\n
Justine Picardie, in a grimly
fascinating read<\/a>, roots Thatcher\u2019s style
in the rigid grooming of well-turned-out 1950s
femininity in general and her sartorially plain
Methodist upbringing in particular:<\/p>\n
Interviewed by Dr Miriam Stoppard for Yorkshire
Television in 1985, she gave a glimpse of a
childhood desire for the luxury of colour, and
shop-bought extravagance, whether a new dress or
sofa cover: ‘that was a great expenditure
and a great event. So you went out to choose them,
and you chose something that looked really rather
lovely, something light with flowers on it. My
mother: “That’s not
serviceable.” And how I longed for the time
when I could buy things that were not
serviceable.’<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Even at the height of her political power, she
chose to retain the \u2018pretty\u2019 and
\u2018softening\u2019 effects of her trademark horrible
bows<\/a>. Alongside this tendency towards
aspirational frivolity, she cultivated
connotations of the provincial housewife \u2013 a
\u2018Housewife Superstar\u2019 \u2013 wearing an
apron while on the campaign trail and
being\u00a0shown washing dishes while contesting
the party leadership. <\/p>\n
Her \u2018Iron Lady\u2019 speech distinctly echoed
the \u2018body of a weak and feeble woman…
heart and stomach of a king\u2019 construction associated
with Elizabeth I<\/a> in its drawing on the
tension between conflicting signifiers:<\/p>\n
I stand before you tonight in my Red Star
chiffon evening gown, my face softly made up and
my fair hair gently waved, the Iron Lady of the
Western World. A cold war warrior, an Amazon
philistine, even a Peking plotter. Well, am I
any of those things? Yes… Yes, I am an
iron lady, after all it wasn’t a bad thing
to be an iron duke.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Thatcher’s courting of various feminine
roles did not prevent the assigning of
masculine attributes to her \u2013 notably in
oppositional parodies and satire. Her iconic
Spitting Image<\/strong> puppet was shown
wearing a suit and tie and smoking a cigar,
addressed as ‘Sir’, and given a
more or less explicit emasculating effect
upon male colleagues and political
opponents:<\/p>\n
Outside satire, the 1984 Miners’
Strike has been conceptualised both as a
mass
emasculation<\/a> of ordinary male miners
and<\/em> an overt bout of
cock-duelling between Thatcher and
miners’ leader Arthur Scargill,
each of whom were criticised for an
absolutist and stubbornly Napoleonic
approach to the conflict rather than a
more \u2018feminine\u2019 openness to
negotiation and compromise.<\/p>\n
As Dawn Fowler notes<\/a>
in her consideration of dramatic
treatments of the Falklands War, a
problem with such portrayals of
Thatcher is that she ‘can be
represented as simply denying her true
feminine self in favour of a crazed
fascist agenda.’
The Comic Strip<\/strong>\u2019s satirical
take<\/a> on Thatcher\u2019s battles
with Ken Livingstone and the Greater
London Council presented her as the
victim of alien or demonic
possession, the ending of which left
her soft and passive \u2013 restored
to her presumably appropriate,
natural form. Both applauding
Thatcher for her ability to overcome
‘traditional’ feminine
weakness and irrationality and
behave symbolically as a
man,\u00a0and castigating her for
her failure or suppression of a
‘true’ soft and
accommodating female nature, are
equally dubious in the qualities
they seek to assign to
‘real’ women.<\/p>\n
Thatcher was repeatedly likened
to a female impersonator, a man
in blue dresses. The reason for
this is simple, and apparently
shatterproof: we have so firmly
linked power and masculinity
that we think a powerful woman
is a category error. Instead of
changing our ideas about power,
we change the sex of a powerful
woman. <\/p>\n
– Sarah
Churchwell<\/strong><\/a><\/p><\/blockquote>\n
While Thatcher\u2019s
election to Prime Minister
was of course a landmark
for women in politics, her
much-vaunted
‘grocer’s
daughter’ outsider
status was mediated
through an Oxford
education and marriage
into wealth. The number of
prominent women serving as
MPs and Cabinet ministers
prior to or alongside
Thatcher – Nancy
Astor, Margaret Bondfield,
Betty Harvie Anderson,
Jenny Lee, Barbara Castle
to name a few \u2013 make
her ascension exceptional
but not unique. Nor should
Thatcher\u2019s progress
in the male-dominated
world of British politics
obscure how little she
actually did for women
once in office: the lack
of women appointed to
ministerial positions; her
disparaging of
\u2018strident
Women\u2019s
Libbers\u2019; her
invariably male
ideological
prot\u00e9g\u00e9s.
Historian Helen Castor, discussing<\/a>
the
\u2018extraordinary\u2019
parallels between the
iconography of Thatcher
and that of Elizabeth I,
points out that both women
emphasised themselves as
the exception to a
rule:<\/p>\n
…what those two
women both did was not
say, Women can rule,
women can hold power.
They both said, Yes, OK,
most women are pretty
feeble, but I am a
special
woman.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
At a point where
Thatcher\u2019s chosen
ideology is resulting in
falling
standards of living<\/a>
for women – and
men – across
Britain; where the dim
and insubstantial Louise
Mensch<\/a> can manage
to position herself as a
rising star, and where
the Home
Secretary\u2019s
political decisions make
fewer headlines than her
choice of shoe, I\u2019m
relieved to see that
attempts to rehabilitate
Thatcher as any kind of
feminist icon are
largely being
<\/a>resisted<\/a>.
It remains to be seen
whether
The Iron
Lady<\/strong>, and
its fallout in the
form of frankly
offensive
Thatcher-inspired fashion
shoots<\/a>, means
that her image is now
undergoing a further
transcendence into the
realms of irony and
kitsch (as has
happened with both
Marilyn and Che), or
whether this is part
of a conscious revival
of the political
associations her image
originally carried and
to which we are being
returned \u2013
conditions profoundly
unfriendly to female
independence and
agency despite the
women occasionally
employed as their
shock
troops.<\/p>\n
The Icon Lady<\/h3>\n
Iron Maidens<\/h3>\n
Not a Man to Match Her?<\/h3>\n
No Job for a Lady?<\/h3>\n